In 1978 Christina Crawford exposed her filmstar mother Joan as a cruel, abusive alcoholic in the memoir Mommie Dearest. On the book's reissue, she gives her first interview in a decade to Elizabeth Day

Christina Crawford was 13 when she stopped believing her mother loved her. It was a young age at which to come to such a startling conclusion, to have one’s belief in the benignity of the world so profoundly altered. But it was at this age that she remembers her mother grabbed her by the throat, punched her in the face and slammed her head against the floor.

‘You never forget that,’ Christina says now, 55 years later. ‘It was up close and personal. She came this far from my face, and you could see it in her eyes, you can see if someone is trying to kill you.’

It was a side of her mother that no one else ever saw. To the wider public, Christina’s mother was not the abusive parent, prone to uncontrolled bouts of fury. She was not the alcoholic, given to occasional bursts of sporadic violence. She was not the tyrannical harpy who apparently let rip behind closed doors. To everyone else she was simply Joan Crawford, Hollywood movie star.

At the height of her fame in the 1940s, Crawford had a considerable reputation to uphold. She was one of the original studio ingenues, an actress who overcame an impoverished childhood to become one of the highest-paid women in the business. Over a career spanning five decades, she starred alongside Clark Gable in Possessed, Bette Davis in What Ever Happened to Baby Jane? and won a 1945 Best Actress Academy Award for the title role in Mildred Pierce. She lived in a sprawling house in Brentwood, Los Angeles and used her wealth to adopt and raise four children, including Christina, an act much lauded in extensive magazine spreads about her happy family life. But to Christina, the public image was a gilded lie.

‘It was the hypocrisy of it that was so difficult,’ she says. ‘People fantasised about who or what I was; that I had this privileged, wealthy, film-star family life. I didn’t have any of that.’

A year after her mother’s death of a heart attack – aged 69, 72 or 73, according to which birth date you believe – Christina’s frustration at the discrepancy between her mother’s private existence and her public reputation bubbled over. In 1978 she published Mommie Dearest, a blistering autobiography that portrayed Joan Crawford as a sadistic perfectionist, an alcoholic prone to unpredictable squalls of maternal fury who would punish the mildest misdemeanours with disproportionate force.

It was the first tell-all celebrity memoir, the first book to talk so openly or with such clarity about a childhood allegedly punctuated by psychological and physical abuse. It caused a sensation, left an indelible imprint on the cultural consciousness and stayed at the top of the New York Times bestseller list for 42 weeks. In the years that followed the children of Bette Davis and Bing Crosby wrote similarly excoriating parental memoirs, and the 1981 film adaptation starring Faye Dunaway became a cult hit. Joan Crawford’s reputation took a battering so ferocious that it has never fully recovered.

To this day most people associate her with an infamous scene in both the book and the film in which she launches into a vicious tirade after discovering Christina’s dresses hung on wire clothes hangers. ‘No wire hangers!’ entered the vernacular as shorthand for neurotic maternal instability. On another occasion Christina recalls her mother dragging her from bed in the middle of the night, aged nine, to beat her over the head with a can of scouring powder for leaving soap streaks on a bathroom floor.

Now, 30 years after publishing Mommie Dearest, Christina Crawford is reissuing the book with a new introduction and afterword, supporting testimonies from contemporaries and more than 100 pages and photographs that were cut from the 1978 edition.

She is not without her detractors. Over the years several of Joan Crawford’s peers, including her first husband, Douglas Fairbanks Jr, and the actress Myrna Loy, have disputed Christina’s recollections, accusing her of embellishments and make-believe. Two of Crawford’s other adopted children, twin sisters Cathy and Cindy, publicly claimed Christina lied, insisting their mother was a loving parent, firm but never abusive. Although three decades have passed, the sibling feud is unresolved. Both Cindy and Crawford’s adopted son, Christopher, died recently but mutual animosity remains deeply entrenched across the generations. Casey LaLonde, Cathy’s 36-year-old son, tells me by phone from his home in Philadelphia that his mother still remembers ‘a very loving household. She [Joan] was a very affectionate, supportive, doting mother, a wonderful person. I have always been very careful not to call Christina a liar but clearly she had a completely different experience from my mother and my Aunt Cindy.’

In March a new biography of Joan Crawford cast Christina in an even less flattering light. Not The Girl Next Door by Charlotte Chandler included interviews with the actress herself in which she railed against her adopted daughter, accusing her of ingratitude. Cathy Crawford was quoted as saying that Christina ‘had her own reality … I don’t know where she got her ideas. Our Mommie was the best mother anyone ever had.’

Until now Christina, 68, has not responded. But when I meet her at her home in Idaho for her first newspaper interview in 10 years she is unrepentant. Although she acknowledges that she could be a stubborn, occasionally obstreperous child, she points out that her version of events was supported by her adopted younger brother, Christopher, with whom she shared a room until she was 10. ‘Cathy has been very vocal about her experience, and that’s her privilege, but there was eight years’ difference between us. She was two when I was sent to boarding school. She couldn’t have known anything about my or Chris’s experience – zip, nothing. She wasn’t there – she wasn’t even born when I was adopted.’

Perhaps, I venture, the twins had more docile personalities and were more capable of submitting to their mother’s controlling nature? She laughs sharply. ‘Maybe. What my mother wanted was fans and puppies, not human beings. She was as close to being a totally manufactured person as I’ve ever met.’

From the beginning Joan Crawford was a fabrication; a myth created by the movie moguls. She was born Lucille LeSueur in San Antonio, Texas, and her father walked out when she was a few months old. The family scraped by but it was a deprived upbringing, and it left Crawford with an abiding hatred of dirt and disorder. Determined to escape her background, she became a Broadway chorus girl and was spotted by studio bosses at Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer in 1924. They offered her a contract and ran a magazine competition to choose a new name after deciding her surname sounded too much like ‘sewer’. Joan Crawford was the winning entry. She cut off ties with her family, clawed her way to the top and reinvented herself as a legend without a past.

Photographs from this time immortalise an extremely striking woman, cheekbones thrown into relief by dramatic lighting, lacquered eyebrows arching over lambent dark eyes. There is also a determination in her jaw-line and the intimation of challenge in her gaze. The pictures are arresting rather than beautiful, strong rather than delicate.

Her forceful personality and strident physical attractiveness meant she was used to getting what she wanted. She married four times and had a string of affairs with both men and women, including a one-night stand with Marilyn Monroe. Unable to have children, she adopted, employing private brokers to ensure that the normal restrictions against single, divorced women did not apply. One of the five children she originally took in was reclaimed by his furious birth mother within days. Christina was successfully adopted in 1939, Christopher in 1943 and the twins four years later in 1947.

It was, from the outside at least, a fairytale family life for four unwanted babies who otherwise would have languished in care homes. But all was not as it seemed. Although Joan told Christina that her biological mother had died in childbirth, she was, in fact, still alive. It was only in the early 1990s, when Christina started researching her own family history, that she discovered the truth. By this time both her parents (a female student who had an affair with a married engineer) were dead.

Christina remembers a childhood shaped by her mother’s violent mood swings – one moment buying her extravagant party dresses, the next spanking her so hard with a hairbrush it broke in two. ‘At first I cried and then I didn’t. The only power I had left was not to show anything.’ At night she says her brother Christopher was strapped into bed with a canvas harness to prevent him from walking to the toilet.

Does she believe Joan Crawford ever loved her? ‘Maybe in the very, very beginning but I think she wasn’t a healthy person. If a lot of what she did had happened today, that woman would be arrested and taken to jail.’

Why did no one intervene? ‘That was the worst thing – that nobody did. Because everyone knew. Our staff, certain neighbours … But she was a celebrity, they had jobs they didn’t want to lose, and by the end there was no hired help any more because she was so difficult to work for. The agency stopped sending people.

‘It was complete and total hypocrisy between the public and the private. She adopted us for the publicity,’ she says. ‘I have tremendous concerns about celebrity adoptions by people like Madonna and Angelina Jolie. From the adoptee’s point of view, it is vitally important to know who they are, where they came from, or it can have profound medical and psychological effects.’

When I ask if she thinks today’s stars are adopting for publicity, she snorts derisively. ‘What do you think? Why are they so keen on getting the maximum newspaper and magazine coverage?’

Joan Crawford’s fits of anger, her drinking and obsession with cleanliness got more pronounced as her career began to unravel. At 37 she was declared ‘box-office poison’ by studio executives and her self-esteem never truly recovered. For a woman whose own sense of worth had been predicated on her work, it was a devastating loss.

All the while, the Crawford family’s celebrity lifestyle was routinely depicted in lavish magazine photographic stories detailing the children’s plentiful birthdays and Christmases. Behind the gloss and the popping flashbulbs, however, the truth was very different, says Christina. Each year the children were allowed to choose one gift while all the others were repackaged and given away to local hospitals or charities. They were then required to write an endless round of thank-you cards for the gifts they had not been allowed to keep, and each card would be checked by their mother, returned to them with annotations and corrections until they eventually met her exacting standards. ‘The process was turned into a forced march,’ says Christina. ‘It was all about power and deprivation. As a child, I was totally without trust. I felt entirely alone.’

She became used to loneliness. At 10 she was sent to boarding school but the bizarre, random outbursts of maternal rage continued through the holidays. After graduation she briefly became an actress before training in communications and working in the marketing department of Getty Petroleum. Since the publication of Mommie Dearest she has written several more books on child abuse and is now an advocate for adoptees’ rights. She has three failed marriages – her second to the film producer David Koontz, with whom she raised a stepson – and made a conscious decision not to have children of her own.

‘I’d never seen a working marriage or relationship so I simply didn’t know how to do it,’ she says. ‘I really didn’t have the skills for parenthood, and for a while I had a ferocious temper. Those two things are not a good combination so I took a logical, reasonable decision not to have children, and it’s one I’ve never regretted.’

For the past 15 years Christina has lived in rural Idaho in a modest clapboard home on a vast Indian Reservation, surrounded by conifers and grassy mountainside. The only other buildings nearby are a church and a dilapidated general store. She does not entirely fit in here. She is dressed in a smart moss-green trouser suit, with a low-cut top and espadrille wedges in the same shade of pink. Her hair is dyed blond and her eyes, a clear, watery blue, are obscured for much of the time behind sepia-tinted wraparound sunglasses. She is extremely polite and hospitable, given to the occasional unexpected fit of guttural laughter.

She is also, I think, very mistrustful. Many of her answers are delivered with a penetrating stare, a wariness in her voice. When I ask if money was a motivating factor for reissuing the book, she looks at me straight on for several seconds. ‘The reason I am reissuing it is because it remains one of the only real, authentic stories of family abuse, and it is important it is continually available.’

Inside her open-plan sitting room, it strikes you immediately that there are no photographs, as if the interior has been stripped bare of anything that might remind her of the past. The walls are hung with anonymous knick-knacks – a framed print of Shakespeare, a clock that chimes with birdsong on the hour. Yet while Christina says she has spent most of her life trying to extricate herself from her mother’s control, it seems the two are locked in a perpetual grim embrace. Despite a short rapprochement in Joan’s later years, both Christina and Christopher were written out of her will, which stated the decision had been taken ‘for reasons which are well known to them’. Although she successfully contested the will, Christina has never been able to shake off the suspicion that the book was revenge for her disinheritance, nor, when I ask her about it, does she entirely disabuse me of this notion. ‘The attorney told me that the language in that will went way back to the Sixties, and every time the will was rewritten that language was carried forward absolutely intact. So none of the later years had had any impact on her emotionally whatsoever. All the efforts I’d made had been for nothing, and I decided that was enough, and I was going to tell the truth as I knew it.’

She tells me she stopped referring to Joan as her mother several years ago and now calls her ‘my adopted parent’. She has clearly never forgiven her. ‘I think she took absolutely no responsibility for changing her behaviour. Forgiveness is a two-person process.’

But it is hard to escape the conclusion that if Christina really wanted to sever the ties that bind her she would not be reissuing the book that links her permanently with the mother she now disowns.

Certainly, Cathy’s side of the family have been left infuriated by her decision to republish. ‘Christina has said what she said, and everybody heard it the first time round,’ says Casey LaLonde. ‘The book was such a juggernaut, and it devastated [Joan’s] personal and professional career. I just remember her as a normal, loving grandmother who would babysit for us and make us lunch and give us gifts. There was never anything strange or mean about her.

‘The worst part was that Joan wasn’t around to defend herself, which was the most horrible thing ever to have done. It wasn’t courageous.’

Neil Maciejewski, a film historian who runs a Joan Crawford tribute website, concedes that the actress ‘was an alcoholic, she was controlling and she probably wasn’t the best mother, but I’ve talked to so many people who knew her, and my feeling is Mommie Dearest was not an honest portrayal. One person I talked to recently is Betty Barker, who was Joan Crawford’s secretary from the 1930s and knew her till she died. She’s an older woman who would have no reason to lie, and she said that Joan had her faults but she absolutely did not abuse her children.’

Still, it is possible that a movie star so obsessed with protecting her own image, who was so rigorously perfectionist in all that she did, would go to great lengths to conceal any abusive behaviour from outsiders. Christina might be many things – disillusioned, sad, a bit defensive – but she does not strike me as either a fantasist or a liar. And she has her supporters too. The late actress Helen Hayes, whose son played with Christopher, wrote in her autobiography that Joan was ‘cruel’ to her children and that her Hollywood contemporaries were ‘worried to death’ about them. ‘It would have been futile for me or anyone else to protest,’ she wrote. ‘Joan would only get angry and probably vent her rage on the kids.’

Perhaps she could, like so many, have intervened and pricked the bubble of silence, but Joan Crawford was a formidable opponent. When, on that long-ago night, Christina claims that her mother tried to throttle her, a secretary eventually pulled them apart and summoned a juvenile officer to the house. According to Christina, the officer said there was nothing he could do; that she would have to sit it out until she was 18 and could leave home of her own accord; if one more call was made to the authorities Christina would end up in a detention centre. ‘That changed my world view,’ she says, dryly. ‘That the victim could be punished while the perpetrator got away scot free. That made me kind of cynical.’

Cynical, but no longer terrified. ‘The most gratifying part of getting well is that I’m not afraid,’ she says. ‘If she walked in the door now I’d tell her she’s not welcome and could she please leave. Because that’s what I couldn’t do as a child.’

Her voice dips and cracks, so that she is talking in an almost-whisper. She holds my gaze for a few seconds then gets up and busies herself in the kitchen. Even now, so many years later, Christina Crawford does not want anyone to see her cry.

Read more: http://www.theguardian.com/film/2008/may/25/biography.film

In the 21 years Ferdinand Marcos ran the Philippines, billions went missing. As his son stands for vice-president, will the stolen fortune ever be recovered?

In the early hours of a February morning in 1986, Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos flew into exile. After 21 years as president of the Philippines, Marcos had rigged one too many elections. The army had turned against him, and the people had come out on to the streets in their thousands. The Marcoses had seen the crisis coming and been able to prepare their escape, so when they landed that morning at the Hickham USAF base in Hawaii, they brought plenty of possessions with them.

The official US customs record runs to 23 pages. In the two C-141 transport planes that carried them, they had packed: 23 wooden crates; 12 suitcases and bags, and various boxes, whose contents included enough clothes to fill 67 racks; 413 pieces of jewellery, including 70 pairs of jewel-studded cufflinks; an ivory statue of the infant Jesus with a silver mantle and a diamond necklace; 24 gold bricks, inscribed To my husband on our 24th anniversary; and more than 27m Philippine pesos in freshly-printed notes. The total value was $15m.

This was a fortune by any standards, easily enough to see the couple through the rest of their lives. Yet the new government of the Philippines knew this was only a very small part of the Marcoses wealth. The reality, they discovered, was that Ferdinand Marcos had amassed a fortune up to 650 times greater. According to a subsequent estimate by the Philippine supreme court, he had accumulated up to $10bn while in office.

Since his official salary had never risen above $13,500 a year, it was blazingly clear this was stolen wealth on the most spectacular scale. Some of his closest allies also stole billions. As their victim was a nation in which 40% of the people survive on less than $2 a day, the Republic of the Philippines decided urgently to try to retrieve its money.

Even amid the chaos of the revolution, the very first executive order issued by the new president, Cory Aquino, established the Presidential Commission on Good Government, the PCGG. It was to recover all ill-gotten wealth accumulated by former president Ferdinand Marcos, his immediate family, relatives, subordinates and close associates and given the power to sequester any assets believed to be the proceeds of crime.

Thirty years later, the PCGG is still working, its 94 lawyers, researchers and administrators housed proudly in a building recovered from the Marcos family. The government gives it an annual budget of $2.2m. Its staff have traced money through jurisdictions all over the world and fought their way through hundreds of court cases. And yet something has gone terribly wrong: to date, the PCGG has recovered only a fraction of what was stolen by the Marcos network; no one has served a prison sentence for their part in the crime.

Bongbong
Bongbong Marcos campaigns for the vice-presidency. Photograph: Erik de Castro

Now, with its task still far from complete, its survival is threatened by a political development that would never have been anticipated by the crowds who swelled the streets in triumph as Marcos fled. The former presidents son, Ferdinand Marcos Jr, generally known as Bongbong, is a frontrunner to become vice-president in the national elections on 9 May. If he wins, he would have the power to shut down the PCGG, as political allies of his family have tried to do in the past. The worlds biggest thief will have won.

Last month I was given unrestricted access to the enormous archive the PCGG has assembled in its years of global detective work: the presidents handwritten diary, frequently puffed with self-regard; the notepaper headed From the office of the president, with scribbled sums endlessly totting up his cash; minutes of company meetings with his comments scrawled in the margins; contracts; side agreements; records of multiple bank accounts; hundreds of share certificates; private investigators reports; and tens of thousands of pages of court judgments.

It needs to be said that this is not about Imelda Marcos and her infamous collection of shoes, although her shopping habit is real. She bought perfume not by the ounce but by the gallon. She hoarded old masters; at one point, she tried to buy Tiffany & Co. But in this particular circus she was only a clown, her crazy consumption deflecting attention from the big beast that was out of its cage.

The PCGG archive tells the inside story of the biggest theft in history, and of the master criminal who organised it: skilful, arrogant, cruel. It also opens a door into the offshore world revealed by the Panama Papers. Marcos was one of the first to exploit the rats nest of secret jurisdictions and hidden ownership then in the early stages of being built beneath the floorboards of public life.

But what is most important about Marcos is that he committed his crimes as a politician. His career starts with a cynicism that now seems familiar manipulating electorates, using money to buy power and power to make money. But he went one big step further in merging politics and finance, converting the instruments of government into one vast cash machine. A handful of other autocrats were also busy stealing from their people in that era in Haiti, Nicaragua, Iran but Marcos stole more and he stole better. Ultimately, he emerges as a laboratory specimen from the early stages of a contemporary epidemic: the global contagion of corruption that has since spread through Africa and South America, the Middle East and parts of Asia. Marcos was a model of the politician as thief.

A single document in the Manila archive marks the start of the detective story. In a sworn deposition, a young civil servant named Chito Roque describes how, on the night the Marcoses flew into exile, he worked his way through the crowds outside the presidential palace to the gates where anxious soldiers were posted. He was with his boss, a senior official in the new government, and they eventually found their way into the inner sanctum, the Marcoses private living quarters. There, they could see the signs of hasty flight: food still warm on the dining table, empty boxes, papers scattered on the floor, shredding machines stuffed with more paper.

His boss went home, but Chito wandered into the bedroom of the deposed president, where I saw a filing cabinet and I opened the first drawer and I saw a safe inside and there were numbers, a combination that was pasted on the door, so I followed the combination and opened the safe. Inside, he found records of bank accounts in Switzerland and Canada, share certificates and several letters signed by Marcos.

Those documents now sit in the offices of the PCGG, along with thousands more retrieved from the palace and the 50 or so other properties the Marcoses and their allies owned in the Philippines, and from homes and offices in the US. As the years have gone by, hundreds of thousands of pages have been added from other sources, all now sitting, neatly ordered, in a white, two-storey building near the centre of Manila. Outside, a six-lane highway is jammed with traffic, bellowing and belching fumes. Inside, all is calm and cool. A notice asks visitors kindly to leave their firearms at reception.

Ferdinand
Ferdinand Marcos with Richard Nixon after a meeting at the White House in 1969. Photograph: Getty Images

In the early years, the PCGG documents suggest, Marcos was naive in his crime. With sacks of cash from rich backers and help from the CIA, the bright young lawyer won elections to congress, then the senate, but he was nothing special, just another Mr Ten Per Cent selling his political influence. After he became President Ten Per Cent in 1965, his income from kickbacks for government contracts increased, but his guile went no further than stashing $215,000 in a New York bank in his own name. As far as the records show, he and Imelda took their first steps to real secrecy on 20 March 1968, when they used false names to deposit $950,000 in four accounts with Credit Suisse, he as William Saunders (he practised his new signature on the headed paper), she as Jane Ryan. By February 1970, the Swiss accounts were so loaded, the couple added an extra layer of concealment, transferring their ownership to foundations registered in Liechtenstein. Then Marcos started to get really clever.

On 21 September 1972, he declared martial law. As his diary records, the Nixon administration consented as he shut down congress, arrested his political opponents, took control of the media and courts, and suspended all civil rights. On the same day as a PCGG worker pointed out to me with some passion he took time off to open another Swiss bank account. In his diary a week later, reflecting on his reforms, Marcos wrote: The legitimate use of force on chosen targets is the incontestable secret of the reform movement.

Over the following nine years, an estimated 34,000 trade unionists, student leaders, writers and politicians were tortured with electric shocks, heated irons and rape; 3,240 men and women were dumped dead in public places; 398 others simply disappeared. With total power over politics, the president closed in on the countrys wealth.

This was no longer just about kickbacks. Marcos started to steal whole companies, using the crude tactics of a gangster. He wanted the nations electricity company, Meralco, owned by Eugenio Lopez, patriarch of one of the families who had run the country for centuries. He had Lopezs son charged with plotting to assassinate him, which carried the death penalty. The old oligarch handed over his company for $220 (it was worth $400m). To have gunmen is a gangsters requirement; to have gunmen in uniforms, with all the power of the state behind them, is a gangsters dream.

Yet most of Marcoss takeovers involved no violence. Martial law allowed him, literally, to write his own law: his decrees passed straight on to the statute book. When he wanted to take over the sugar industry, he set up companies and then issued decrees that allowed them to dominate the planting, milling and international marketing of Philippine sugar, which accounted for 27% of export earnings. He then created a Philippine Exchange Company, decreed it should handle all foreign sugar sales and used its monopoly position to buy from farmers at rock-bottom prices and sell at vast profit. This allowed him to buy Northern Lines, which had the contract to ship the sugar overseas. Finally, he decreed that the sugar industry be exempt from minimum-wage law, with the result that 500,000 labourers saw their income fall to less than $1 a day, making even more profit.

Marcoss
Marcoss scribbled sums counting his stolen millions. Photograph: Nick Davies

The PCGG archive shows how, in the same way, Marcos used his own companies to take over the three other key areas of agriculture: coconuts, tobacco and bananas. Granting himself government contracts, monopoly deals and tax exemptions, he levered his way into dominating industries across the whole economy logging and paper, meat, oil, insurance, shipping and airlines, beer and cigarettes, textiles, hotels and casinos, newspapers, radio and TV. His was an early and particularly rapacious version of privatisation.

Crucially, he saw his crime through a lawyers eyes. Of course people would observe that the Marcoses were suddenly very wealthy they could live with that. What mattered was to ensure that there was no evidence. Repeatedly, he set up his companies so that outwardly they belonged to other people. Marcos deployed dozens of cronies: relatives, golf partners, political allies, anybody who shared his greed. The crony would sign a deed transferring ownership of most of the business usually 60% but would leave a blank space for the name. Marcos would hold the deed and leave the space blank. There was no evidence that he owned the 60%.

Marcos stole, then stole more. The Japanese paid reparations for the second world war; he skimmed it and put the profit into his Swiss accounts. He stole international aid money, gold from the Central Bank, loans from international banks and military aid from the US. He decreed that more than a million impoverished coconut farmers must pay a levy, supposedly to improve the industry, amounting to $216m. He had already issued decrees to gift most of the coconut trade to one of his own companies; now he stole great chunks of the levy fund, all the while taking kickbacks on government contracts.

All this theft created a logistical problem: how to handle the tidal flow of money. The PCGG archive shows how Marcos set up his own banking system, using cronies to buy private banks and others to control the state banks. These were useful for stealing more money, in loans that would never be repaid, and for accessing foreign currency although eventually he set up his own specialist bank to trade currency on the black market.

Above all, the banks acted like a network of dykes receiving his ocean of income. Bank staff would make regular sometimes weekly trips to the palace, to pick up cheques and bundles of cash, which were then deposited in dozens of accounts. The millions were then channelled into Marcoss expanding reservoir of offshore accounts (he had 69 in Switzerland alone). Then all he and Imelda had to do was turn on the taps anywhere in the world and cash would come pouring out; cash that had been washed clean of its connection to crime.

For all its craziness, the gorging on consumer goods that followed now seems a natural progression. There were multiple houses for the extended family, a $5.5m yacht, private planes, helicopters and dozens of Mercedes-Benzes. When their youngest daughter was married in June 1983, they built a new runway and hotel, renovated a 200-year-old church, demolished nearby houses and rebuilt them in traditional style, imported carriages from Austria and horses from Morocco.

The men and women who work at the PCGG are driven by an anger. Each day they discover more detail of this crime, while its victims sleep on the pavements and in the slums around them. They are well aware of what the money could do for the impoverished people of the Philippines: if Marcos stole $10bn, this would have paid for the entire government budget for his last year in power three times over. And so they want not only to retrieve the stolen money, but to restore it. It is not easy. The Marcoses, with their money and their connections, have always been in the lead.

***

Consider the saga of the missing paintings. When the PCGG searched the presidents palace after he fled, they found that the walls of the ballroom displayed 23 pale patches where once there had been masterpieces. The Marcoses had a town house on East 66th Street in New York, where Imelda held many parties. Neighbours told investigators that they had seen two 18-wheel trailers pull up a few days after the couple went into exile: they had been loaded up with antiques and paintings, and driven away. By the time the house was searched a few weeks later, there were only brass plaques boasting of treasures that had once occupied its walls: the Madonna And Child by Michelangelo, the Marquesa de Santa Cruz by Goya, a couple of Monets, two Braques, a Pissarro, a Manet.

The
The vast PCGG archive of documents in Manila. Photograph: Rolex Dela Pena/EPA/Corbis

Paperwork retrieved from their various homes revealed that the Marcoses had bought at least 304 valuable paintings. Almost all were now missing. The Philippine investigators were left with a few dozen inferior works abandoned in some of the Philippine homes, and one Henri Fantin-Latour found wrapped in a blanket under a maids bed in one of their New York apartments, apparently an attempt to thieve from the thief. They got a judge to order galleries and auction houses not to sell anything that might have come from the Marcoses. There was not much else they could do.

During their first year, the PCGG received a little help from several former Marcos staff and allies. A financial aide, Rolando Gapud, gave them details of five Swiss bank accounts. By Marcos standards, they did not contain very much (only $356m) and the banks refused to hand it over. All the PCGG could do was persuade a Swiss court to freeze the accounts. Gapud and others began to disclose the scale of Marcoss ownership of the Philippine economy. In Manila, the government set up an anti-graft court; by the end of 1986, the PCGG was opening cases against Marcos and his network.

One of those who came forward was Oscar Cario, former manager of the New York branch of the Philippine National Bank. In a sworn statement, he claimed he had created accounts for two fictitious companies to conceal the Marcos millions. It emerged that the paintings had changed hands with the help of some powerful connections. The court heard that some part had been played by Adnan Khashoggi, the notorious Saudi arms dealer. An Australian TV programme claimed that dozens of Marcos paintings had been flown out of the US on a private plane; 38 others had been shipped from Hawaii. Acting on a request from the PCGG, French police raided two of Khashoggis apartments and found paperwork confirming that many of the masterpieces were now in his hands.

Khashoggi argued that he had made bona fide purchases from the couple, of the paintings and of four Manhattan skyscrapers. But the US authorities claimed that the documents he produced to support this had been backdated, and formally accused him of obstructing the course of justice.

Khashoggi was arrested in Switzerland and extradited to New York, where he joined Marcos, Imelda and a network of others indicted under anti-racketeering law. But Ferdinand Marcos died in September 1989, before the case came to trial; he was 72 and had been in a hospital in Honolulu for months. Without Marcos, some evidence became inadmissible. There were reports that the White House was leaning on the prosecutors to go soft, that there was too much potential embarrassment for the last five US presidents. Imelda told the court she was a poor widow who knew nothing about her husbands activities. Khashoggi protested his innocence and was acquitted of any offence. The transcript of the trial runs to thousands of pages. It ended in July 1990, with all the defendants declared not guilty on all counts.

The US authorities agreed to take no further legal action if Khashoggi surrendered the paintings and the skyscrapers. But when the skyscrapers were finally sold, it turned out they had been mortgaged to the hilt by the Marcoses. The city demanded unpaid property taxes. Though the buildings total sale price was $50m, the Philippine people received only $5.7m. Most of the dozens of paintings Khashoggi is believed to have handled were no longer in his possession. The PCGG retrieved just 26.

For the investigators, this was a frustrating journey. Aquinos government, which had launched the commission in the heat of revolution, rapidly stepped on the brake. Her supporters say there was no option: Marcos and his cronies owned so much of the economy that to seize their assets would crash the banks. Her critics, meanwhile, argue that her government was always compromised: the Aquinos were one of the wealthiest families in the country; the old oligarchy was back in power. Whatever the motive, the PCGG was ordered to seize nothing, but instead to work through the courts. Over the following few years, it became clear that this had handed the initiative to the Marcoses, who had the money to hire the very best lawyers. Soon, dozens of cases were sidetracked by endless technical argument.

Just as Marcoss wealth was too great to seize, so his political influence was too big to beat. Two weeks after the revolution, a source in New York had shown the PCGG a report revealing that, even before he was deposed, his allies in US intelligence were aware that he had stolen up to $10bn. But the CIA refused to disclose what they knew. The Japanese government made it clear to Aquino that they were not going to hand over information, and aid packages could be in jeopardy if the PCGG pushed too hard. In the UK, Margaret Thatchers government said it was not our business.

Ronald
Ronald Reagan dances with Imelda Marcos, while President Marcos dances with Nancy, during a state visit to Manila in 1969. Photograph: Getty Images

The problem for these governments was that they had turned a blind eye while their companies had waded into the muck alongside Marcos taking his money without asking where it came from. In some cases, Marcos, in turn, had paid bribes to senior politicians and made illegal contributions to election campaigns, including those of US presidents Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan. (When this surfaced in 1986, they said they had not known where the money came from.)

A PCGG veteran of nearly 30 years has a special frustration with the US. He says they have never handed over all the paperwork seized from Marcos when he arrived in Hawaii, and he flicks through the copies he has: See? Some pages which are blank, some inventory pages which are blank. We think they have redacted transactions involving US organisations. They were partners in theft. And he pauses to consider how the US would react if some other nation seized evidence of their most prolific criminal and handed it over in redacted form.

***

By the autumn of 1991, Imelda Marcos was feeling sufficiently safe to go back to the Philippines with her three adult children. In New York, the PCGG picked up rumours that some of the paintings were still there and being sold by a professional dealer. They hired a firm of private investigators, IGI, to watch the dealer, and established that he had some of the Marcos collection, including Goyas portrait of the Marquesa de Santa Cruz.

Early in June 1992, the investigators discovered the dealer had been warned that they were on to him. The next morning, they watched as five men and women of Filipino appearance turned up outside the dealers apartment in two vans, loaded up boxes and large blue suitcases, and drove out to JFK airport, where all five checked in as first-class passengers along with their unusual cargo. With no legal power to intervene, the investigators could only watch as they flew off to Manila.

The pattern of impunity was set. In Seattle in December 1989, a jury found that the Marcoses were implicated in a plot to murder two Filipino union activists who had been shot there in 1981. The jury ordered them to pay $15.1m compensation to the victims families. The money has not been paid. In Hawaii in 1995, a court found the regime had abused the human rights of thousands whod been tortured and killed, and ordered that Ferdinands estate pay nearly $2bn compensation. Less than 1% of that has been paid. Having returned to Manila, in September 1993 Imelda was convicted of personally defrauding the state in a land deal while Marcos was still in power. She was sentenced to 18 years in prison but bailed while she lodged an appeal. Five years later the supreme court threw out her conviction on technical grounds.

Soon, the PCGG was running into more problems, as Marcos allies found their way back into power and argued that the failure to retrieve more stolen money proved the commission was pointless and should be closed. Worse, the PCGG was tainted by the corruption it was trying to expose. Some officials were caught exploiting empty Marcos properties and pocketing excessive expenses. Twice the weakened PCGG made compromise agreements with the Marcos family that were so generous, the Philippine courts blocked them.

By the late 1990s, Imelda had been elected to the Philippine House of Representatives and was emboldened to give provocative interviews in which she declared there is more money the government is not yet aware of and we own practically everything in the Philippines. Increasingly secure, her confidence got the better of her. In 2007, she gave more interviews and posed for photographs that clearly showed eight of the missing paintings gleaming on her walls, including Goyas portrait. Another old master hung on the wall of her office in the House of Representatives.

The PCGG went to court for an order to recover them. But with the Marcoses opposing every move, the case took six years. When they finally raided Imeldas office and four of her homes in October 2014, they again found only pale patches on the walls where the eight paintings had once hung and Imelda crying into her handkerchief.

Imelda
Imeldas diamond and pearl tiara. Photograph: Joel Nito/AFP/Getty Images

Even so, the PCGG has dragged some victories out of the swamp. In 2004, they finally retrieved the money from the five Swiss accounts. At an even slower pace, they seized the assets of half a dozen crony companies and recovered most of the coconut levy. They auctioned paintings, jewellery, silver and dozens of houses.

In total, the PCGG has succeeded in retrieving $3.7bn. That amounts to less than half the top estimate for what was taken by Marcos alone. In spite of their efforts, they have watched his associates retire to a life of self-indulgence with most of their fortunes intact. They have dozens of cases still bogged down in the courts, including 22 that started in 1987 or earlier.

The head of the PCGG, Richard Amurao, is a conspicuously decent lawyer, aged 41, who spent five years as a commissioner before becoming chairman last year. He points out how a single piece of Imeldas jewellery could have paid for 2,000 young Filipinos to go through college. He is not giving up, yet reflects that it has been exhausting, and hard to see how they can win. It is like the traffic jams in Manila. You begin to accept that it just is this way.

Deep in the vaults of the Central Bank, he says, there is a large collection of Imeldas jewellery, due to be auctioned next month. It includes most of what was seized 30 years ago by US customs, another stash found in the palace, and a third intercepted at Manila airport as a friend of Imeldas attempted to fly out of the country. Last year, Christies valued the collection; they identified treasures that had previously been missed, including a tiara with 25 pearls in a diamond frame seized from the Russian tsars family in the 1918 revolution. It is estimated to be worth more than $4m. Amuraos workers have invented their own word to describe anybody who is extravagantly greedy: Imeldific.

What will happen if Bongbong Marcos is elected vice-president? Will he allow his mother access to the vaults to retrieve the jewellery she insists is hers? Will he kill the PCGG entirely? Bongbong, 58, started his political career before his family was exiled, becoming vice-governor of Ilocos Norte province in 1981, aged 23. Six years after exile, he returned to become a congressman. He recently denied any involvement in the legal moves that have blocked so much of the PCGGs work. In February, Amurao issued a tough response, saying his claim was belied by court records which show his involvement. He listed cases in which Bongbong and his mother are still laying claim to what the PCGG says is ill-gotten wealth. Imelda is now 86, and actively campaigning for her son.

The work is not finished, Amurao says. There is no statute of limitation on seeking justice. But the passing of time makes it more and more difficult to find new leads. Time is an ally for those who want us to forget. And if Bongbong wins, we dont really see how we can do our work not with the son of the former president only a heartbeat away from the presidency.

Read more: http://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/may/07/10bn-dollar-question-marcos-millions-nick-davies

Big-screen adaptations of computer games, with A-list cameos, produce big cash. Some of it could be used to produce groundbreaking art

Back in 2009 a Finnish company called Rovio launched its 52nd video game. Its premise was simple: players would use their smartphone touchscreen still a relative novelty two years after the first iPhone came out to control a catapult. Swine flu was in the news, so the enemies would be pigs. The missiles? A flock of angry birds.

That game reportedly cost less than 100,000 to make. The numbers involved in The Angry Birds Movie, which arrives in cinemas 13 May, are rather larger. Theres an estimated $80m production budget and $100m set aside for marketing. Sony has even splashed out on the ultimate status symbol: an A-list cameo. Sean Penn, we were informed in April, will play a bird called Terence who communicates only through low, rumbling growls.

Yes, that Sean Penn. The Sean Penn who campaigns about the Falklands, played gay rights martyr Harvey Milk and directed a film about a man who hitch-hiked to Alaska to live in the wilderness. From Friday, hes in a film based on a smartphone app about catapulting poultry.

Hes not the only one. The Angry Birds Movie cast includes credible comic actors such as Jason Sudeikis, Maya Rudolph and Bill Hader, and a cameo from Peter Dinklage, also known as Tyrion Lannister in Game of Thrones. (That might alarm gamers: Dinklages voiceover work for Destiny was notoriously underwhelming.)

In May, the game-to-film crossover continues with a World of Warcraft adaptation, directed by indie darling and mini-Bowie Duncan Jones. He will be hoping for better reviews than the 17% score on Rotten Tomatoes awarded to Ratchet & Clank, last months adaptation of the platformer game. And, in December, Michael Fassbender will try to knife people quietly before getting bored and just stabbing everyone in sight, then running away up a bell tower. Well, he will do if his approach to Assassins Creed is anything like mine.

Movie versions of video games are not a new phenomenon. I harbour a soft spot for both the Tomb Raider series (remember when Angelina Jolie looked as if she ate carbs?) and Jean-Claude Van Damme muscling through 1994s Street Fighter. But in recent years Hollywood has shown itself willing to plunder even those video games with no obvious plot or characters in pursuit of success. Perhaps this shouldnt be surprising, because there is widespread belief in the box-office magic of existing IP [intellectual property] brands that have already demonstrated their commercial appeal. In 2012, Universal released Battleship, a film loosely inspired by the Hasbro board game of the same name. It was terrible. It still made a profit.

Luckily, the Angry Birds screenwriter, Jon Vitti, appears to have embraced the thinness of his source material. The films protagonist is a bird called Red, and he is you guessed it angry. Other birds mock his eyebrows. He cant impress the hottest girl birds. And he is the only one who thinks the arrival of pigs to his native island is anything other than a multicultural delight. Technically, this suggests Red is an instinctive racist, but my guess is that his suspicions will be vindicated. (Of course, that will make the moral of the story that its right to fear and mistrust strangers. Sounds problematic. Someone consult Twitter.)

The cultural exchange goes the other way. If you look carefully, half of Hollywood has popped up in a game over the last five years. In 2011 L.A. Noire seemingly featured the entire cast of Mad Men; Mark Hamill was the Joker in Rocksteadys Arkham series; Ellen Page led Beyond: Two Souls in 2013; and Liam Neeson was your do-gooder dad in Fallout 3. In Call of Duty: Advanced Warfare, Kevin Spaceys motion-captured face was almost enough to redeem a script that placed you at a military funeral and then urged you to press X to pay your respects.

Amid the geysers of cash, however, not everyone is celebrating these crossovers. Video games have always been too misty-eyed about the more established medium of film, and that has done little to help them develop as an artform in their own right. Films get taken seriously by serious people, and so the question what is the Citizen Kane of video games? has long since become a cliche among games journalists. Many of us feel as though weve been waiting for the messiah title we can thrust into the hands of our parents, our bookish friends, or the critical establishment at large, and say: this one. This one is art. This is the one that will stop you being snide about our hobby.

Our reverence for cinema has also led to the assumption that the most prestigious path for games is becoming interactive movies like Speed, but you can drive the bus. Yet I cant think of anyone, outside a few hardcore Metal Gear Solid fans, who will admit to enjoying extended cut-scenes. They persist because they employ a narrative grammar critics are used to unpicking. Its harder to explain the artistry of a game like Braid, where the storyline is woven into the gameplay itself, or one like Proteus, which doesnt have a storyline at all.

But wait thats me showing my bias again. Why should games aspire to be a storytelling medium anyway? Whats wrong with being a game? Theres a story, of a kind, in every Hearthstone match, even though its just a card game. Theres the excitement of a good opening move; the tense wait to see if that big minion will stay down; the satisfaction of realising that yes you have enough mana to play a winning card. No one looks down on chess because it doesnt have a narrator.

So even as more games get stripmined by scriptwriters, the industry should remember that it can dare to aspire to different standards. Video games are not, in the words of tech writer Leigh Alexander, some kind of inadequate stepchild that needs a pat on the head from the film industry to be validated. Or as Carolyn Petit, managing editor for feminist criticism site Feminist Frequency, puts it: If games have some growing up to do and they do that growth isnt going to be indicated by Kevin Spacey appearing in a Call of Duty game, or by the Ratchet & Clank franchise getting a big-screen movie. Games cant expect the cultural legitimacy of other art forms to transfer on to them through association.

Games certainly dont need a critical stamp of approval to be commercially viable. Global revenues from console games which make up only a third of the market are set to hit $28bn this year, according to PWC. Shares in both the biggest western and Japanese developers have risen since the start of 2015, against generally falling stock markets. The shooter Call of Duty: Black Ops 3 made $550m in its first three days.

The hope must be now that some of the vast profits from the giants trickle down to the rest of the industry, allowing creativity to flourish. As with films, many bestselling titles are sequels (like Fallout 4) or part of franchises (like FIFA 16). Its hard to innovate when tens of millions of dollars, and hundreds of jobs, are at stake.

That said, there are signs that games can still have the potential to be groundbreaking, not merely glossier and faster versions of their previous selves. The PC game portal Steam has launched a project called Greenlight to crowdfund indie titles, and ID@Xbox allows smaller games to be self-published on the Microsoft console. One of my favourite releases of last year, Her Story, involved one writer, one actor, and zero special effects. It managed 100,000 downloads.

Small successes like that make me feel more optimistic about the future of the medium than any number of box-office smashes based on an established brand. Sorry if that makes you angry, Red.

Read more: https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2016/may/07/here-comes-the-angry-birds-film-but-why-cant-a-game-just-be-a-game