The bottled water industry is in the midst of a banner year.

Bottled water sales are set to outstrip soda sales in the U.S. for the first time since the Beverage Marketing Corporation began tracking the industry in the 1970s, according data the firm released earlier this month. 

On one hand, this could be viewed as a public health victory, especially since industry leaders say rising health concerns linked with the consumption of sugary, calorie-laden sodas are largely driving the trend.

But there is also a more potentially disturbing explanation for bottled water’s surge in popularity, these same leaders say: Consumers are fearful of what’s coming out of their taps, thanks to public health crises like the ongoing situation in Flint, Michigan, and America’s immense and underfunded water infrastructure challenges more broadly.

Critics of the bottled water industry point out that these increased sales represent the privatization of something that has generally been recognized as a public good. There is an incredible amount of waste generated along the way, and plenty of thorny questions about the ethics of water sourcing come up.

One of those critics is Gay Hawkins, a professor at Western Sydney University and the co-author of the 2015 book Plastic Water: The Social And Material Life of Bottled Water.

There is “no good news” in letting beverage companies like Coca-Cola and Pepsi, which each benefit from the rise in sales through their own water brands — take control of America’s drinking water, Hawkins argues.

The Huffington Post recently spoke with the professor about what can be done.

Were you surprised to see this recent news that bottled water sales are surging past soda in the U.S.?

No, that is playing out everywhere. The way the beverage companies see it, there is a major attack on their market for selling dangerously oversweetened beverages. The way in which they respond to that is the introduction of a substitute market, which is water. All of this sort of implicitly says, OK, if you’re not reaching for a Coke, reach for a branded water instead. They don’t want to see their overall market share decline, so they’ve had to create other beverage lines that will cope with this. 

I think it’s depressing to the extreme to think that there could be any positive hype about people reaching for water rather than Coke if you acknowledge the fact that they’re still reaching for a plastic bottle. If you want access to drinking water, you shouldn’t have to access that through a single-use [polyethylene terephthalate, the most common type of plastic used in water bottles] bottle, which is creating phenomenal waste problems around the world. If we’re committing to public health, what states and governments should be doing is intensifying people’s access to free water in public. We should see more water fountains everywhere, and they should be clean and readily available all over urban space. They should really be providing a genuine alternative to sweetened beverages.

Situations like Flint are contributing to this. Recently, a new report found that 6 million Americans are dealing with PFOA and PFOS, industrial chemicals, in their water. There are justified reasons for people to be suspicious of their tap water, so how does that factor into this?

This is a tragedy, a failure of governing and a failure of the state. Flint should be ashamed of itself for taking taxes from people and not being able to meet its basic minimal obligation — to provide its people with the means of life which is safe public water, of course.

Beverage companies see a state failure as a market opportunity. If people are losing trust in public water, they say, “Here is our chance to insert branded bottled water into this state of uncertainty and make people think this is the only water people can trust.” I think this is directly connected to the fact that beverage companies are creating doubt and manipulating public disputes about water quality to their own advantage.

Let’s face it, it’s pretty hard for a beverage company to turn water into water. We’re getting access to water in a cheap, sustainable way through a massive, networked infrastructure of pipes. Sure, that costs a lot of money to provide, but it’s nothing like the kind of money that goes into making single-use bottles. You have to do an immense amount of work to turn water into a commodity. Exploiting insecurity and doubt about existing forms of supply and generating incredible branding strategies that create all these new qualities for water — “untouched,” organic and all the other bullshit — help create this brand platform that turns water into something that radically differentiates it from the ordinary old stuff coming out of the tap. But really, it’s still just water.

How does the U.S. compare to other countries in terms of this? Situations like Flint aside, why are we leading the way on this trend? 

I don’t want to be an expert on the U.S., but it’s pretty hard to promote government as a good thing there. It’s crazy the kind of anti-government sentiments I’ve heard from the U.S. All of us couldn’t function every day without government. Roads, traffic lights, being able to turn on the tap — all these things that we take for granted connect us as a community.

Government creates and maintains the common interest of the greater good. Water is at the heart of that and is something that should not be privatized. It’s something that we need to share and we need to collaborate in protecting. I think we need a much more vigorous defense of the public good and why governments matter, and why governments are central to protecting the commons, and water is part of the commons. 

Credit: Mike Groll/AP
In this Sept. 21, 2015, photo, workers repair a water main break in Syracuse, New York. The U.S. has a large — and growing — list ofwater infrastructure needs and no clear plan to fund them.

Possible solutions like tougher environmental and water safety regulations and improved funding for infrastructure are complex issues that can bogged down in politics. What can we do about this now? 

There are some fantastic campaigns against bottled water, very impressive citizen-led campaigns to defend public water and demand access to water fountains in public, demanding that water supplies including aquifers or surface water be protected in the common interest. There’s a whole lot of strategies communities can engage in, but governments really need to step up here and really need to understand they’re in the business of providing services to populations and water supplies are the first one they need to insure and get right. 

Outsourcing this and letting beverage companies step in and appear as the new model for infrastructure is a very depressing and troubling scenario. Governments need to realize that if they hand over their water supply to a beverage company, they’re left with managing the externalities of that market — clearing up and taking away those discarded bottles and managing the hard waste generated from that is incredibly unsustainable and more expensive than providing proper infrastructure in the first place.

Some government entities, like Baltimore schools, are coming to the conclusion that given concern about lead or other issues, using bottled water instead of repairing a system is cheaper. What do you make of that?

That’s a really disturbing picture, but it’s one that beverage companies would love because they are now becoming the trusted infrastructure. If you let the public infrastructure become run down to the point where the amount of money to fix it and improve it is astronomical, that failure of the state just sets this opportunity for others to step in.

Do you think the bottled water boom will continue in the immediate future? Or could we be heading toward a bust? 

I thought a couple of years ago there was evidence to show that bottled water was declining in European markets as a direct result of some really powerful activism. The marketing of refillable portable bottles certainly had an impact. The other thing that happened was a lot of public or semi-public water infrastructures started re-branding and asserting to their populations that they are providing safe water that’s cheap and universally accessible. They had to engage in branding to compete with Coke and Pepsi, but it was quite successful in rebuilding trust in public water.

It worked in Europe, where there is still a lot of commitment to government. In the States, I don’t really know. If people don’t have that experience of accessing safe water when they turn on the tap, I can’t blame them for looking after their own interest and trusting a beverage corporation. But the only way you could address this is to engage in good governance of water and to say to your population your water is safe, we are investing in infrastructure, so celebrate what a shared water economy can do. It’s celebrating what we all have in common, and that is the need for water.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity. 

Joseph Erbentraut covers promising innovations and challenges in the areas of food and water. In addition, Erbentraut explores the evolving ways Americans are identifying and defining themselves. Follow Erbentraut on Twitter at @robojojo. Tips? Email joseph.erbentraut@huffingtonpost.com.

Read more: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/bottled-water-sales-water-infrastructure_us_57b7729fe4b0b51733a38be4?section=&

Trump aired no television ads and paid fired campaign manager as Republican nominee raised $37m in July to Clintons $52m

Donald Trumps campaign doubled its spending in July, even though the Republican nominee still only employed about 70 people, aired no television ads and maintained ties with his fired campaign manager and the writer who plagiarized part of his wifes convention speech.

His campaign also lags far behind that of his Democratic rival, Hillary Clinton, whose team spent about twice as much as his last month. Clinton also raised more funds, taking in $52m for her campaign and Democrats, according to July filings with the Federal Election Commission, while Trump raised $37m for his campaign and Republicans.

Trumps largest expenses in July were from a new push for online fundraising, as he moved away from donating to his own campaign and more actively solicited money from voters. Trump has given about $52m to his own campaign, but is no longer self-funding the bulk of the effort through loans or donations.

The campaign paid a Texas-based web design and marketing firm, Giles-Parscale, $8.4m in July, about twice as much as it made over the last year. The firms president, Brad Parscale, is digital director for Trumps campaign, and has worked for Trumps real estate business since 2011.

Trumps campaign also paid $20,000 to the consulting firm of Corey Lewandowski, the campaign manager he fired in June, two weeks after Lewandowski left the campaign and became a paid pundit on CNN. The sum was roughly equal to how much Trumps campaign paid him as manager.

The campaign also paid $356.01 to Meredith McIver, an employee of the Trump Organization who took the blame for plagiarizing Michelle Obamas 2008 convention speech for use in Melania Trumps 2016 speech. McIver is listed as a co-writer for several of Donald Trumps books, and because of her work as an in-house writer for Trumps private business the campaign risked violating campaign laws if it had not separately paid her.

Though the financial documents show little sign that Trump has opened offices around swing states, Trump did show some signs of scaling up for the general election. He paid $100,000 to Cambridge Analytics, a data analysis firm that formerly worked for Senator Ted Cruz and has ties to Robert Mercer, a hedge fund billionaire who supports Trump. He also paid his Alabama state director, Chess Bedsole, $64,000, three times his last payment in December, even though Alabama has voted Republican for decades.

The campaign paid about $2m for private jets and $500,000 to pay for expenses on Trumps personal plane. Last month Trump paid more than $773,000 to companies he owns; since the beginning of the race his campaign has paid more than $7.5m to Trump companies or those owned by family members. In all his campaign spent $18.5m in July.

Clinton in contrast reported 705 staffers, $2m on travel and signs of new offices. In July her campaign spent a total of $38m, filings show, mostly on advertising. Last week Trump spent $4.8m on his first general election ads, which aired in four swing states.

Trumps personal finances remain mostly opaque, since the candidate has refused to release his tax returns breaking 40 years of precedent by presidential nominees and because his business is structured in a labyrinth of holdings, third parties and debt. A New York Times investigation into Trumps finances found that he has at least $650m in debt, far more than he disclosed on earlier FEC forms. Trump has said he will not release his returns while they are under an IRS audit, though no law prohibits that release.

Clinton has released several years of tax returns, including from 2015, when she and her husband made nearly $11m. But she has been haunted by the web of donors, including foreign governments that give to the familys sprawling Clinton Foundation. The philanthropic organization has said it will no longer accept foreign donations if Clinton is elected president, but her campaign manager, Robby Mook, refused to say that it would stop taking those donations during the campaign.

Political action committees allied with Democrats were boosted by several billionaires, filings also show. George Soros gave $1.5m to a Planned Parenthood Super Pac and $500,000 to the Senate Majority Pac, and Tom Steyer gave $7m to his own Super Pac, called NextGen Climate Action Committee. Michael Bloomberg gave $5m to his own group, called Independence USA, and though the former New York mayor has endorsed Clinton his Pac is also working to help Pennsylvanias Republican senator, Pat Toomey, because of his support for gun control measures.

Conservative billionaires have largely shied from donating to Trumps campaign, and filings showed that Paul Singer and Charles and David Koch are concentrating on groups to support Senate and House candidates. Mercer, on the other hand, has given $2m to a pro-Trump Super Pac, and also funds Breitbart News, whose boss, Stephen Bannon, took control of Trumps presidential campaign last week.

Read more: https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/aug/21/donald-trump-campaign-finances-donations-hillary-clinton

WASHINGTON In almost every possible way, Hillary Clinton and her allies entered the general election push against Donald Trump with massive campaign advantages. At the beginning of August, after both party conventions, the Clinton team held a massive cash advantage while simultaneously outspending Trump on building a traditional presidential campaign.

The Clinton campaign received $52.3 million in July compared with $36.7 million for Trump. The Republican nominee contributed $2 million of his own money to the campaign, with the rest of his funds coming from other donors. The Democratic National Committee raised $32.4 million next to $27.2 million for the Republican National Committee. The pro-Clinton super PAC Priorities USA Action raised $9.9 million while two of the three main pro-Trump super PACs Great America PAC and Make America Number 1 raised a combined $4.4 million. The third won’t report its numbers again until October.

The two campaigns appear to be following very different paths on how they spend this money, too. Clinton’s campaign spent $38.2 million in July, including $26 million on television advertising and $3.3 million to pay a staff of 889.

The Trump campaign spent just $18.4 million, albeit its highest monthly total so far. This spending, however, seemed to largely go toward raising money. His largest expense was $8.5 million to the digital marketing company Giles-Pascale for online advertising, which often consists of direct click to fundraising appeals. The purchase of hats, T-shirts and other apparel added up to $1.8 million. The campaign spent half that $921,000 to pay its 148 staff and consultants in July.

Trump also continued to spend money on his own properties to the tune of $782,000. This included paying rent at Trump Tower and covering the salaries of Trump Organization employees who are also working for the campaign. The largest of these expenses within his own empire was $495,000 paid to cover the use of Trump’s personal airplane.

Private air travel was actually the Trump campaign’s second biggest expense overall. It spent $2.7 million on private jets and Trump’s personal plane.

While Trump’s campaign spent far less than Clinton’s, he did so while two joint fundraising committees raising money for his campaign hoarded money. In a press release from early August, the Trump campaign said it had raised $82 million through his campaign and two joint fundraising committees linked to Republican Party committees. The release further stated that the two joint fundraising committees had $37 million in cash on hand at the end of July.

Those joint fundraising committees won’t file their finances until October, but a little math shows that they have also been spending money. They started the month of July with $12 million in cash on hand. In July, the Trump campaign directly raised $21.7 million and received a $14.5 million transfer from the two fundraising committees. These committees also transferred $14.9 million to the Republican National Committee. This means the fundraising committees appeared to have spent about $6 million in July. Joint fundraising committees are allowed to spend funds so long as it is on fundraising expenses.

Political parties

The tale of the two political party committees working to get their nominee elected president is almost reversed from four years ago. The Republican National Committee’s $27.2 million raised in July is $10 million less than what it raised in July 2012. The $32.4 million raised by the Democratic National Committee in July is a higher total than any single fundraising month during the 2012 campaign.

The DNC is making the most of its fundraising bonanza by spending early on infrastructure in key states across the country. State parties received $8.8 million transferred from the DNC’s accounts. Of that total, $7.3 million went to party committees operating in the 11 swing states.

On the other side, the RNC is doing what it did in 2012 sitting on its money. This time, however, it has less to work with. The chief Republican party committee spent just $13.8 million in July and entered August with a robust $34.5 million in cash on hand. That is far less than the $88 million in cash on hand it had at the same point in 2012.

Similar to 2012, though, is the early disadvantage the Republican party committees in swing states find themselves in. With little money transferred by the main party into the states, Republican committees have received less money, spent less money and hired fewer staff than their Democratic counterparts.

In the 11 swing states of Colorado, Florida, Iowa, Michigan, Nevada, New Hampshire, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Virginia and Wisconsin, the Democratic party committees raised $10.5 million in July compared with $3.3 million for the Republicans. Democratic committees in these states spent $9.9 million while Republicans spent just $3.3 million. This spending advantage has led to a more-than-2-to-1 staff advantage for Democrats. In these 11 swing states, Democratic committees paid 1,614 staff members solely for federal election activity while Republicans paid 745.

This is very similar to the ground-level advantage Democrats built during President Barack Obama’s two election victories.

Super PACs

Priorities USA Action, the main super PAC supporting Clinton’s bid, continued to pull in massive contributions from the super rich in July. Just two men, hedge fund billionaire Donald Sussman and SlimFast founder S. Daniel Abraham, accounted for $6 million of the super PAC’s $9.9 million haul. Each billionaire gave $3 million. The Laborers’ International Union of North America gave another $1 million.

The main super PAC supporting Trump did not report its finances Saturday. It will next report in October. However, two other super PACs formed to boost the Republican nominee did disclose their donors.

Great America PAC, a super PAC run by longtime GOP consultant Ed Rollins, raised $2.4 million mostly from small donors. Its largest donation was a $100,000 contribution from San Francisco Giants owner Charles Johnson.

Hedge fund billionaire and conservative activist donor Bob Mercer provided $2 million to the Make America Number 1 super PAC. The group was formerly organized to support Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) in the Republican primary, but Mercer has since shifted his support to Trump. As a funder of the conservative website Breitbart, Mercer is an instrumental player in the many moving pieces of the infrastructure now making up the Trump campaign. He is also now one of the largest donors to Trump’s election efforts.

Editor’s note: Donald Trump regularly incites political violence and is a serial liar, rampant xenophobe, racist, misogynist and birther who has repeatedly pledged to ban all Muslims — 1.6 billion members of an entire religion — from entering the U.S.

Read more: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/donald-trump-campaign-finances_us_57b9cb79e4b03d513688f5f2?section=&